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SOME UNPUBLISHED COINS OF 
EASTERN DYNASTS 


By EDWARD T. NEWELL 


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THE AMERICAN NUMISMATIC SOCIETY 
BROADWAY AT 156TH STREET 
NEW YORK 
1926 


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Smet > MA TIC 
NOTES AND MONOGRAPHS 


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No longer the property of 
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As 


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Mount Holyoke Coles 


SOME UNPUBLISHED COINS 
OF EASTERN DYNASTS 


BY 
EDWARD T. EEE 





THE AMERICAN NUMISMATIC SOCIETY 
BROADWAY AT 156TH STREET 
NEW YORK 
1926 





SOME UNPUBLISHED COINS OF 
EASTERN DYNASTS 


By Epwarp. T. NEWELL 


From among some recent accessions to the writer’s 
cabinet, the following coins have been selected for 
immediate publication. They appear to represent 
hitherto unknown varieties and, therefore, offer a 
certain amount of interest to students and collectors. 


Sri LyeCyYPRUS 


MELEKIATHON (?) 
SECOND REIGN, CIRCA 386-361 B.C. 


1 Bearded Heracles, nude except for lion’s skin 
hanging from his shoulders, advancing to r., hold- 
ing in outstretched I. a bow, and brandishing in 
raised r. a club. 

Rev. Lion to r., its head facing with jaws open. 
Above, globular object and the faint traces of an 
inscription. Dies: |. Persicstater. Gr. 10. 48. 


The attribution of this interesting coin to Mel- 
ekiathon of Citium is proposed with a certain 
amount of hesitancy. The fabric of the coin ap- 
pears to be certainly Cypriote. This being the 
case, the obverse type of the fighting Heracles at 
once suggests Citium as the probable mint. The 
reverse type, on the other hand, so far as the actual 

I 


2 UNPUBLISHED Cont 


attitude of the lion goes, is entirely new for Citium. 
In point of fact, the lion is not represented in quite 
this manner on any other known coin of Cyprus. 
Instead of the half lion or couched attitude as- 
sumed by this beast on the coins of Amathus,! or 
his being seated, as on the coins of Baalmelek I of 
Citium,? or prowling, as on the coins of Salamis,’ or 
devouring his prey,‘ the king of beasts on our coin, 
has apparently come to a sudden stop. A snarl 
seems to be issuing from his half open jaws as his 
head swings round to face some unexpected noise 
or sudden danger. Distinctly Greek is this mas- 
terly conception of a startled lion; and even the 
worn condition of the die is unable to destroy 
the spirited and arresting effect produced by the 
entire design. 

Greek, too, are the details of the Heracles figure 
as compared with all the similar productions, ex- 
cept one, of the Citian mint. On them, the design 
and execution are distinctly influenced by the 
oriental art of Phoenicia and the Persian Empire. 
Heracles is depicted in the stiff, angular style of 
the ancient Orient, great attention being paid to 
detail and but little to realism. Particularly is 
this noticeable in the manner with which he strides 
along planting his weight evenly upon both his feet. 
On the other hand, the new coin reminds us at 
once of the ephemeral issues in Citium of the 
Athenian Demonicus.’ As on these, so, too, our 
Heracles does not wear the lion’s skin over his head 
but hanging from the shoulders and retained by the 


Poon mheN DYNASTS 3) 


two front paws tied about his neck. According 
to the dictates of a more realistic style, the upper 
portion of Heracles’ body is thrust forward as he 
rushes with uplifted club to meet his foe. His 
entire weight rests upon his advanced left foot, the 
right serving merely to propel him forward. So 
similar is our coin in this to the rare issues of 
Demonicus, that the writer was at one time some- 
what inclined to assign his piece to that shadowy 
ruler. But there exist several deterring reasons. 
In the first place, there is the reverse type. While 
the standing Athena is a very natural design for 
the Athenian Demonicus to have chosen, the lion 
savours more of the local dynasty which was of 
eastern origin, and so appears, in one form or 
another, on all of their coins right down to the 
final extinction of the autonomous city state by 
Ptolemy I of Egypt. Furthermore, the worn 
condition of the reverse die suggests long continued 
use. Even the obverse die shows a distinct fracture 
running between the chin of Heracles and his 
breast. Now, what little we know (or, rather, can 
surmise) of Demonicus’ career in Cyprus,’ would 
seem to show that he could have ruled there but a 
very short time—certainly not more than a year, 
at most. And this would seem to be too brief a 
period of time for the appearance of coins with both 
the Athena and the lion types. 

As stated before, the lion is more closely associated 
with the local Citian dynasts who were of Semitic 
origin. The first to strike coins, Baalmelek I, chose 


4 UNPUBLISH BDSG Gi 


for a type the seated lion,’ while all of his Semi- 
tic successors adopted the lion and stag type. It 
was the foreigner, Demonicus, who first replaced 
the lion type with another.’ The Heracles figure, 
being in this guise rather more that of the Hellenic 
hero than of the Phoenician Melkarth, is retained, 
though now it is represented in the pure Greek 
style and not in the Cypriote. The Heracles on 
our coin appears to be a direct copy of the one on 
Demonicus’ issue. Style, technique, attitude and 
details (except for the club which is held horizontally 
instead of upright) are absolutely identical. For 
this reason the coin falls naturally into the first 
years of Melekiathon’s second reign, immediately 
after the overthrow of Demonicus, the Athenian — 
adventurer and usurper—the natural supposition 
being that the latter’s Greek die-cutter continued 
to work for the rightful ruler of Citium after his 
restoration. He continues to employ the Greek 
manner instead of the Cypriote, but in the position 
of the club in Heracles’ hand he assimilates his 
design more closely to the issues immediately 
preceding the rise of Demonicus to power. 

The assignment of our coin on grounds of style 
to the first years of Melekiathon’s second reign is 
supported by comparing the Heracles figure to that 
found on the gold half darics of both Melekiathon 
and his successor Pumiathon.® On these the lion’s 
skin, instead of falling from the shoulders as hereto- 
fore, is invariably draped over the outstretched left 
arm of Heracles. Furthermore, the lion’s skin 


Pow eR N DYNASTS 5 


again covers the hero’s head, which has not been 
the case! since the reign of Baalmelek I. 

Absolute certainty as to the attribution can 
hardly be attained until a specimen from a sharp 
reverse die will have enabled us to read the inscrip- 
tion. Any discussion of this inscription at the 
present time would be worse than useless. While 
faint traces of some letters may still be distinguished 
above the lion’s back, the legend itself remains 
quite indecipherable. 


SALAMIS IN CYPRUS. 


NICOCLES 
373—cIRCA 361 B.C. 


2 Facing bust of the Cypriote Aphrodite wearing a 
turreted crown, the whole in dotted circle. 
Reverse. Forepart of Pegasus to r. Below: #) (Ba 
Nz). Onr., NI. The whole in a dotted circle. 
Dies: 7. Wt. 3.39 gr. From the collection of 
Col. Allotte de la Fuye, No. 682. 


On this coin we have a most unusual representa- 
tion of the divinity, supposed to be the Cypriote 
Aphrodite, who appears so frequently—but in 
profie—on the gold and silver coinages of Ni- 
cocles, Euagoras II, Pnytagoras, and Nicocreon 
-of Salamis. So far as the writer is aware, this is 
the first known occurrence of the facing type of the 
goddess. We should compare it with the facing 
Heracles’ head on the gold quarter stater of Euago- 
ras I, the predecessor of Nicocles," or the facing 


6 UNPUBLISHED es 


satrap’s head on certain silver obols assigned by 
Babelon” to Euagoras IT, or, finally, with the facing 
head of the Paphian Aphrodite on a beautiful little 
sixth of a stater® usually given to Nicocles of Paphos. 
Even more unusual for Cyprus, is the reverse 
type of the winged horse which appears to occur on 
no other known coin of the island. The type itself 
is probably borrowed from the common little 
silver fourth-century obols of Celenderis™ or from 
the obol of uncertain mintage but assigned to 
Cilicia by Mr. Hill.45 

As the inscription reads only Ba Ni in Cypriote 
characters and NI in Greek characters, the coin 
may be attributed to either Nicocles (373-361 B. C.) 
or Nicocreon (331-310 B. C.). The style, however, 
is excellent and the earlier of the two kings is there- 
fore to be preferred. Furthermore, an assignment 
to Nicocreon is strongly refuted by both style and 
fabric. The coin is struck on a thin and well 
formed planchet, while the common bronze coins 
bearing Alexandrine types which must be given" to 
Nicocreon’s reign are struck on thick, dumpy flans 
of somewhat clumsy manufacture. Their style, too 
is later and much more summary than that of the 
present coin. } 


SOLI (?) IN CYPRUS 


UNCERTAIN RULER, PU.... 


3 Lion, with open jaws, lying to 1. Above, orna- 
ment (?) of uncertain form. In the exergue, 


Pee RN DY NAS TS 7 


traces of an inscription.(?). The whole is sur- 
rounded by a circle of fine dots. 

Reverse. The Cypriote sign Pu in the dotted 
ring of an Ankh. Outlines of ivy leaves fill the 
four corners of the surrounding dotted square, 
the whole is contained in a shallow incuse square. 
Persic stater. Wt. Gr. 10.72. Dies: N. 


This coin was purchased by the writer in Decem- 
ber, 1924, in Cairo, Egypt. With it there were 
three or four staters of Baalmelek I (479-449 B. C.) 
and of Azbaal (449-425 B. C.) of Citium, the entire 
lot being claimed by its owner to have come recently 
from Cyprus. There was every indication present 
that these coins had been found together. Further 
particulars concerning this probable hoard are 
unknown. 

By its types the coin described above is more or 
less closely associated with the stater in the British 
Museum” formerly assigned to Soli!® but later 
given by Six!® to Golgi. Mr. Hill follows a safer 
course in placing the coin among the uncertain.?° 
Babelon* remains undecided between Golgi and 
Soli. The new coin varies from the British Museum 
specimen in representing the lion as lying to the 
left instead of crouching to the right. The style 
is also somewhat later, especially noticeable in the 
incuse square which is shallower and _ slightly 
larger. Important is the Cypriote sign Pu, con- 
tained in the Ankh, as this at least gives us the 
first letter of the king’s name who once caused our 
coin to be struck. The four ivy leaves in outline, 


8 UNPUBLISHED Gea 


in the four corners of the,surrounding dotted square, 
are reminiscent of a similar symbol on certain 
staters of Idalium from the middle of the fifth 
century B. C.” and even more so of a like symbol on 
certain staters of Paphos dated circa 460 B. C.*8 
The general style and appearance of our coin is very 
like that of these Paphian staters. Interestingly 
enough, too, these staters are likewise inscribed 
with the Cypriote signs Pu and Pu-nu (for Pnutos 
or Pnytagoras ?). As the types forbid the attribu- 
tion of our stater to Paphos, we would suggest its 
assignment to Soli, situated just across the moun- 
tains from Paphos to the North. In support of this, 
attention should be called to an inscription actually 
found at Soli which mentions the name of a certain 
IIyutéAXasg son of [lyutayéoac.24 Whether one or 
both of these persons were ever rulers of Soli may 
well be questioned, but at least we have definite evi- 
dence of persons of a certain amount of importance ~ 
at Soli bearing names commencing with the same 
letter as appears on our coin. Another solution 
would be to suppose that the dynast who places the 
sign Pu upon his Paphian coins also ruled at one 
time in Soli. Both M. Babelon and Mr. Hill place 
his reign at about 460 B. C. This fits in well, not 
only with the general style of our stater, but also 
with the fact that it seems to have been found in 
company with certain coins of Citium struck by 
two kings whose reigns cover the years 479 to 
A251 BoC; 


EASTERN DYNASTS 9 


PHOENICIA 
KinGs oF ByBLUS 
EARLY FirtH CENTuRY B.C. 


4 Sphinx, wearing the crown (the Pshent) of Upper 

and Lower Egypt, reclining to I. 

Reverse. Conventional thunderbolt in a dotted 

circle, the whole contained in an incuse square. 

Persic stater. Gr. 8.80. Dies: f. 

5 Similar types. Third of a Persic stater (tetrobol). 

Crees.) Dies: 

6-7 Similar types. Obols. Gr. 0.61 and _ 0.60. 

Dies: T and\. 

8-10 Similar types. Hemi-obols. Gr. 0.38, 0.34, 

0.27, Dies: 7, J and \. 

The interesting little group described above once 
formed part of the splendid collection of Phoenician 
coins gathered together during his long residence at 
Beyrout by Dr. Jules Rouvier. The two larger 
coins (Nos. 4 and 5) are still unpublished as they 
were only acquired by the learned Doctor after 
the appearance of his well known ‘Monnaies des 
Villes de la Phéenicie’ in the Jour. Internationale d’ Ar- 
chéologie Numismatique, Vols. II-VII, 1899-1904. 
To the two smaller coins described by Rouvier?® 
have been added similar specimens also acquired 
since the publication of that work. All of these 
pieces have been found at various times in the 
ancient port of Byblus.** Their attribution to 
Gebal-Byblus can therefore hardly be questioned. 


10 UNPUBLIS HEIDSS Saas 


It is furthermore directly supported by the appear- 
ance of an Egyptian sphinx as the obverse type. 
The long dominion of Egypt over Byblus (Gebal) 
and its great influence there” ever afterwards, are 
well known and have now been emphasized the 
more by the remarkable discoveries recently made 
in the necropolis of the old city.?® It is therefore 
not surprising to find a typically Egyptian sphinx 
adorning the obverses of this the earliest coinage of 
Gebal. For we certainly see before us no Greek 
sphinx, made so familiar to us by vase paintings, ~ 
bas-reliefs, gems, or the coins of Chios or of Idalium. 
Our sphinx is wingless; it is couched in the Egyptian 
manner and not seated upon its haunches; it wears 
the combined crowns of Upper and Lower Egypt, 
and, finally, it is of masculine gender—at least so 
far as the smallness of the design and the heavy 
corrosion of the surfaces will allow us to judge. 
The reverse type is quite new. Having at first 
only two very badly preserved specimens at his 
disposal, Dr. Rouvier interpreted this design as 
that of a lion. Instead, now that some larger and 
better preserved specimens have turned up, we 
must recognize in it a conventional thunderbolt 
somewhat in the form of a double fleur-de-lys. 
Unfortunately ancient oriental art does not offer us 
any contemporaneous”? examples of similar form. 
On the other hand, the thunderbolts occurring on 
sixth and early fifth century coins of Elis*® present 
many suggestive parallels. Also the thunderbolts 
appearing in later Indian art (and, probably derived 


PevoeiR NDYNAS'TS II 


from this, those in Chinese*! and Japanese art as 
well) have frequently a fleur-de-lys or lotus-like 
shape. Unless we postulate a Greek origin then, 
the derivation of the thunderbolt on our Byblite 
coins remains somewhat of a mystery. Egyptian 
it certainly is not, as the thunderbolt appears to be 
unknown on the banks of the Nile. It can there- 
fore have little or no connection with the obverse 
type of the sphinx. Whatever its origin,®? the 
adoption of the thunderbolt for the reverse type 
probably has some purely local significance, which 
escapes us. 

Not the least curious-aspect of this thunderbolt 
type is the fact that some sixteen hundred years 
later the identical design of the double fleur-de-lys 
in a circle of dots should bob up again among the 
strangely eclectic types found on the coins of the 
Atabeg rulers in northern Mesopotamia. On Plate 
II, A, a specimen of the fairly common copper falus 
of Mu’izz-ed-din Sinjar-Shah, the Atabeg Emir 
in El-Jezireh 1180-1208 A.D. is reproduced. That 
a large proportion of the old designs used on their 
coins by his contemporaries also go back to numis- 
matic types of preceding peoples and ages, is well 
known. But this particular coin type of the Emir 
of Jezireh has remained without a prototype until 
the sudden appearance in Dr. Rouvier’s collection 
of the earliest known issues of the great and wealthy 
city of Gebal. Can it be that a die-cutter in distant 
Mesopotamia had seen one of these early coins of 
the Phoenician city and had been struck by the 


12 UNPUBLISH E DEV 


ornamental effectiveness of its reverse type? Or 
was he merely copying some artistic design or 
heraldic device with which he was familiar? And is 
it, then, only due to chance that this should: have 
been so strikingly similar to the early Byblite type? 

But to return to the coins themselves. Neither 
the sphinx nor the thunderbolt ever occur again on 
the issues of Gebal. They are replaced by more 
Semitic or Persian designs, such as the Phoenician 
war-galley, the vulture devouring a ram, or the 
lion attacking a bull. With a change in types 
comes also a change in standards. Heretofore the 
only known coins of Gebal, before the arrival of 
Alexander the Great, were based on the so-called 
Phoenician weight standard. In this** system the 
shekel (or didrachm) weighed about grammes 7.15, 
the half shekel (or drachm) gr. 3.60, the trihemiobol 
gr. 0.90, the obol gr. 0.60, the hemiobol gr. 0.30. 
Into this scheme the earliest coins of Gebal described 
above apparently do not fit as they would thereby 
be too heavy. Instead, they are obviously of the 
Persic weight standard, such as was at this time 
employed by her more northerly neighbor Aradus. 
According to the Persic standard,*4 the stater 
weighed gr. 10.60, the shekel (or drachm) gr. 5.30, 
the third stater (or tetrobol) gr. 3.35, the twelfth 
stater (or obol) gr. 0.83, the twenty-fourth of a 
stater (or hemiobol) gr. 0.42. ‘It will be noticed 
that our coins are very considerably lighter than 
this norm, but this is unquestionably due to the 
very serious corrosion from which they have one : 


eae RN DY NAST S 13 


and all suffered, and to the subsequent necessary 
cleaning to which they have been subjected. It is 
interesting to learn, therefore, that, at first, Gebal 
followed the same monetary standard as its northern 
neighbor Aradus, but that later, about the middle 
of the fifth century B. C., it adopted the standard 
then being used by its southern neighbor, Sidon. 


KINGS OF ARMENIA 


TIGRANES [[*5 
20-12 (?) B.C. 


12 Bust of king to r., slightly bearded and wearing 
a tall Armenian tiara ending in five long spikes 
or rays and adorned with an eight-pointed star. 
The whole is surrounded by a filleted border. 
Reverse. On r.,. BAXSIAEQS | METAAOY. On 1., 
TITPANOY | ®IAOIATOPOS | KAI®IAEAA- 
HNO. Tigranes, bearded, draped in a mantle 
and wearing a tall tiara standing to 1. He 
holds an uncertain object (two ears of wheat 
or thunderbolt ? ?) in his outstretched r. and 
rests his |. on a long sceptre or spear. Drachm. 
Gr. 3.83 (a small piece has been broken out). 
Dies: 7. Purchased from the collection of Prof. 
Charles C. Torrey. 

Hitherto the only*® known coin of this king was 

a badly preserved bronze piece in the Paris collec- 

tion. Like the portrait on that coin, our drachm 

represents the king as wearing a beard. This 
peculiarity serves to distinguish him from his 


14 UNPUBLISHE D3GGTk 


namesakes Tigranes I the Great and Tigranes III, 
whose coins show them both to have been quite 
beardless. In view of the poor state of preserva- 
tion of the copper coin in Paris, the present piece 
is important because it furnishes us with a splendid 
portrait of this little-known prince. : 

The coin is interesting also because it gives us 
the full titles of the king, the Paris specimen read- 
ing only Baothéws Trypavov. Apparently he was 
forced by his jealous and more powerful neighbors 
to omit from his coins the grandiloquent title 
Bastheds Bactkéwv used by his father Artavasdes 
and his grandfather Tigranes I. He adopted, in- 
stead, the Parthian formula of BaotAed¢ Mévyac. 
To this he added, also more Parthico, the familiar 
titles of drAozatwe and dtAéAAHvosg. His son and 
successor, Tigranes III, imitated him, except that 
he omitted the drAotatwoe. 

Of the history of this prince we know little beyond 
the fact that he was a brother of Artaxias II (34-20 
B. C.), both being sons of Artavasdes I (56-30 
B. C.) of Armenia. He lived as an exile at Rome 
until, at the request of the Armenians, Augustus in 
20 B.C. sent him home with Tiberius instructing the 
latter to place him upon his ancestral throne. This 
was accomplished,®’ and he reigned until possibly® 
about 12 B.C. 

On the strength of our new coin it would seem 
desirable to remove from Tigranes III, and assign, 
instead, to Tigranes II, the copper piece described 
by Babelon on page 216 No. 28 (Plate xxx, Fig. 


PreoweRN DYNASTS I5 


19) of his work. This specimen is so badly cor- 
roded that the short beard, characteristic of Tigranes 
II, is not apparent and it was probably for this 
reason that the coin was given to the third of that 
name whose portrait on well preserved coins is 
seen to be beardless. The reverse of the Paris 
specimen bears a standing figure of the king very 
similar to the one appearing on our drachm, except 
that he faces to the right and holds an eagle on his 
outstretched left. The title rAé\Anvoc, which does 
not occur on any other known coin of Tigranes III, 
is clearly decipherable and so adds one more reason 
for recognizing in this piece a bronze issue corres- 
ponding with our new drachm. 


CAPPADOCIA 


ARIARATHES II 
Circa 301-280 B.C. 


13 Beardless bust of ruler to |. wearing a tiara of 
the Cappadocian form. Onr., behind the head, 
MEAT? 

Reverse. Lioness to 1. suckling her cub to r. 

Bronze. Gr. 3.55. Dies: |. Originally in the 

collection of Dr. Pozzi. 

This is altogether a very curious coin whose 
attribution is somewhat uncertain. In fabric and 
style it is very similar to other coins usually as- 
signed to Cappadocia or the neighboring province 
of Sophene. The tiara or satrapal bonnet adorning 
the head is in its form strikingly similar to those 


16 UNPUBLISH Eirias 


affected by contemporary rulers of both of these 
districts.29 It is, therefore, to one or the other 
that our piece should be assigned. Unfortunately 
the king’s name on the obverse is largely ‘off flan,’ 
only the three letters PA T remaining. Of all the 
names which have come down to us as having been 
borne by the various petty rulers of Cappadocia 
and Sophene in the Third Century B.C. (the period 
indicated by the style and fabric of our coin), only 
the name Ariarathes will fit the three letters still 
visible. 

No less than ten rulers of Cappadocia were named 
Ariarathes. Of all of these we possess coins, with 
the exception, possibly, of the eighth whose issues 
are quite uncertain and possibly never existed. 
From the third of this name on, every one bears the 
title of Baothedc, and on his coins is adorned with 
the royal diadem. Our coin, possessing neither 
the title nor the diadem, would therefore appear 
to belong to an earlier period and this would 
perhaps also account for the unusual manner in 
which the name is spelled, namely (’Agta) PAT 
(ov). The later kings, commencing with Ariarathes 
III, invariably employ the form APIAPA@OY. 
The form APIAPATOY, as it appears to be on our 
specimen, would be an unusual but quite possible 
rendering of the Aramaic 11118 as found on the 
known issues of Ariarathes I and II.49 The Aramaic 
letter teth (11) in names is almost as frequently ren- 
dered by its Greek equivalent tau as it is by theta 
c. f. ]519%2 which is given by Greek historians as 


- 


eeoevek IN DYNASTS 17 


Tluutécos or TIunatos; MANWYTI which the Greeks 
transcribed as Bo8éctwe; on coins we have 72710 
and TEIPIBAZOY, also 117) and its equivalent 
TEP2I etc. etc.). The form APIAPATOY could, 
therefore, form the transitional stage between the 
Aramaic MI IN of the earliest Cappadocian 
coins and the APIAPA@OY of the later issues. 
This would place our coin, then, either among the 
earliest issues of Ariarathes III or the latest issues 
of Ariarathes IJ. As the latter enjoyed a long 
reign and as it has hitherto been possible to assign 
to him only one comparatively insignificant bronze 
coin,*! it would seem more plausible to attribute 
the new variety to him.. In that case, then, 
the reverse type would also fit well with the 
scenes drawn from hunting and animal life so 
favored on their coins by the first three rulers of 
Cappadocia (cf. the griffin and stag of Ariarathes I, 
the royal archer and ibex of Ariarathes II, the 
royal rider, probably also engaged in the chase, of 
Ariaramnes). 

With Ariarathes III Athena is definitely adopted 
by the Cappadocian kings and remains almost the 
invariable reverse type until the end of the dynasty. 
If our proposed attribution be accepted, then we 
must recognize the fact that it was Ariarathes II 
who first introduced portraiture on the Cappadocian 
coinage, and not his son Ariaramnes as hitherto 
supposed. Our coin thus adds one more portrait 
to the long series which gives such a human interest 
to the royal coinages of Asia. 


18 UNPUBLISHED Gia 


The. reverse type of the lioness suckling her 
young is decidedly novel, not appearing, so far as 
the present writer is aware, on any other known 
coin of the classical age. 


Peeodeok NO DY NAST S 19 


NOTES 


1B. M. C. Cyprus, Plate I, Nos. 1-15. 
2 ITbid, Plate II, Nos. 7-14. 

8 Ibid, Plate XII, Nos. 6-8. 

4 Ibid, Plate XXIV, Nos. 10-11. 

5 Ibid, Plate XIX, Nos. 9-13. 


6 Ibid, Introd. xxxvii ff.; Babelon, Mélanges Numis- 
matiques, II, pp. 71 ff.; Perses Achém, pp. cxxxi ff.; Traité 
Ls pp 700 if. 


7’There is an earlier, but uninscribed issue, which has 
been assigned to Citium (B. M. C. Cyprus, Plate II, 7, 
and Plate XIX, 1-2). These coins show a couched lion 
and may be attributed to Baalmelek I or his immediate 
predecessor. 


8 Hill (B. M. C. Cyprus, p. xxxvi) following Imhoof- 
Blumer (Monn. Gr. p. 383, No. 101), and Six (Rev. Num. 
1883, p. 336, No. 44) assigns a stater with horseman as 
the obverse type to Melekiathon. Babelon in his Tvaité 
does not even mention this coin, and its attribution, at 
best, is very doubtful. 


9B. M.C. Cyprus, Plate XIX, No. 6 and Plate IV, Nos. 
20-23; 

10 Both M. Babelon and Mr. Hill are mistaken in 
describing Heracles on the staters of Azbaal (449-425 
B.C.), Baalmelek II (425-400 B.C.), Baalram (early 
fourth century) and Melekiathon (first reign) as wearing 
the lion’s skin over his head. The lion’s head has fallen 
off and can clearly be distinguished just below the hero’s 
right armpit. For this fact, notice particularly B. M. 
C. Cyprus, Plate III, Nos. 2, 3, 11 and 12. 


u B. M. C. Cyprus, Plate XI, 13. 
12 Traité II2, Plate CX XVIII, Nos. 23-24. 
13 Jbid, Plate CX XIX, No. 16. 


20 UNPUBLASHE DGG 


4 Cf. Babelon, Traité II2, Plate CXL, Nos. 9-15. 

15 B, M. C. Cilicia, Plate XXXII, 10. 

16 ‘Some Cypriote Alexanders,’ Num. Chron. 1915, p. 308, 
Nos. 9-10, Plate XIII, Nos. 12-14. 

7B. M. C. Cyprus, Plate XIII, No. 5. 

18 Rev. Num., 1883, p. 305, No. 10. 

19 Num. Chron., 1897, p. 210, No. 12. 

20 B. M. C. Cyprus, p. 69, No. 1. 

21 Tyaité, II!, p. 607. 

2B, M. C. Cyprus, Nos. 10-19, Plate V, Nos. 9-12. 

23 Tbid, Plate VII, Nos. 4 and 9. 

24Q. Hoffman, Die Griechischen Dialekte, Vol. I, p. 51, 
No. 88. i 

25 Jour. Inter. d’ Arch. Num. 1901, p. 38, Nos. 629 and 
628. 


26 As the writer was informed by Dr. Rouvier himself. 
See also Babelon, Tyvaité II?2, p. 543, Note 1. The badly 
corroded surfaces, so typical of silver coins long exposed 
to the deleterious action of salt water, go far to corroborate 
this statement. 


27 Cf. Prof. Ed. Meyer, Geschichte des Altertums,? 1, 2, 
pp. xix, 391 ff.; G. F. Hill, B. M. C. Phoenicia, p. 1x1. 


28 Les Travaux Archéologiques en Syrie de 1920 a 1922. 


29 Compare, however, certain Hittite seals from the 
Cappadocian district which bear designs somewhat 
analagous to the thunderbolt on our Byblite coins (G. 
Contenau, La Glyptique Syro-Hittite, Plate XI, Nos. 60-62; 
L. Delaporte, Catalogue des cylindres orientaux du Musée 
du Louvre, Plate 98, Nos. 13, 14 and 16). ‘These particular 
seals Contenau places in the first period or about 2400- 
1500 B.C. See also Jacobsthal, Der Blitz in der orientalis- 
chen und griechischen Kunst, Berlin, 1906. 


30 C, T. Seltman, The Temple Coins of Olympia, Plates 
I=W- 


Pew RN DYNASTS 21 


31 Cf. Stein: Serindia, Plate LXIV. 


32 Let us hope that the many excavations now being 
carried on in Syria and Palestine will some day furnish 
us a clue. 


83 Babelon, Traité, II2, pp. 535-536 
34 Ibid, pp. 509-510. 
35 By some modern historians called Tigranes III. 


36 Babelon, Rois de Syrie etc., p. ccv. has shown that 
the coins attributed to Tigranes II by Mommsen and by 
Victor Langlois (Numismatique de Ll Arménie dans l Anti- 
quité, 1859, pp. 36-38, Plate III, 4) must be given, instead, 
to Tigranes III. 


37 Th. Mommsen, Res Gestae Divi Augusti, p. 112; 
Boeckh, C. I. G., No. 4040, col. IV, lines 2 and 7. 


38 Due to the complete absence of any information on 
the subject in our classical sources, no two authorities 
agree as to the real duration of Tigranes II’s reign. Among 
the more recent writers Asdourian, Die politischen Bezieh- 
ungen zwischen Armenien und Rome, Venice 1911, pp. 
67-9 and 194, gives Tigranes’ reign as ‘‘um 20-19 v. Chr.’’; 
Aslan, Etudes H istoriques sur le Peuple Arménien, Paris; 
1909, pp. 114 and 117 places his reign between 20 and 5 
B.C.; Dolens and Khatch, Histoire des anciens Arméniens 
Geneva 1907, calling this king Tigranes II on p. 155 and 
Tigranes III on p. 226, give as his reign 20-6 B.C} .The 
only fact that is certain is that he commenced to reign 
about 20 B.C. and that, as Dolens and Khatch state, 
ibid. p. 155, ‘‘Sur le régne de ce Tigrane II nous ne con- 
naissons absolument rien.’’ 

39 See Friedlander in Zeitschr. f. Num., IV, 271 (fig.) and 
VII, 229; Reinach, Trois Royaumes de l’Asie Mineure, pp. 
32 ff., Plate I, Nos. 5 ter and 6; Blau, Zeitsch. f. Num., 
VII, 37; Imhoof-Blumer, Portraits, p. 42. 

40 Reinach, loc. cit. pp. 26-30 

41 [bid. No 4. 





oe 





EASTERN DYNASTS 





Pu. 





EASTERN DYNASTS ade a 








NuMISMATIC NOTES AND MONOGRAPHS 





1 Sydney P. Noe. Coin Hoards. 1921. 47 
pages. 6 plates. 50c. 

4 Howland Wood. ‘The Mexican Revolu- 
tionary Coinage, 1913-1916. I92I. 44 
pages. 26 plates. $2.00. 

6 Agnes Baldwin. Five Roman Gold Me- 
dallions. 192I. 103 pages. 8 plates. 
$1.50. 

7 Sydney P. Noe. Medallic Work of A. A. 
Weinman. 1921. 31 pages. I7 plates. 
$1.00. 

9 David Eugene Smith, LL.D. Computing 
Jetons. I92I1. 70 pages. 25 plates. 
$1.50. 

10 Edward T. Newell. The First Seleucid 

Coinage of Tyre. I92I. 40 pages. 8 

plates. $1.00. 

a te Vins © ~ “ach Orders and 

zes. 35 plates. 














lars of 1858. 
| 50c. 
mmedan Coin-: 


1922. 56 


of Characene. 
$1.00. 

es (A Contri- 
natics). 1922. 
ca 

orative Coin- 
2. 63 pages. 





NumIsMATIC NOTES AND MONOGRAPHS 
(Continued) : 


17 Agnes Baldwin. Six Roman Bronze Medal- 
lions. 1923. 39 pages. 6 plates. $1.50. | < 
18 Howland Wood. ‘Tegucigalpa Coinage of = 
1823. 1923. 16 pages. 2 plates. §0c. 
19 Edward T. Newell. Alexander Hoards— 
II. Demanhur Hoard. 1923. 162 pages. 
8 plates. $2.50. 
20 Harrold E. Gillingham. Italian Orders of 
Chivalry and Medals of Honour. 1923. 
146 pages. 34 plates. $2.00. igo eas 
21 Edward T. Newell. Alexander Hoards—- = 
III. Andritsaena. 1924. 39 pages. 6 
plates. $1.00. esate ant 
22 C. T. Seltman. A Hoard from Side. 1924. 
“20 pages, 3. plates, $1.00... 9 | ae 
23 R. B. Seager. A Cretan Coin Hoard. 1924. | 
55 pages. 12 plates. $2.00. ev ee 
24 S. R. Milbank. The Coinage of Aegina, 
66 pages. § plates. $2.00. Pet WOR a 
25 Sydney P. Noe. A Bibliography of Greek — 
Coin Hoards, 1925. 275 pages. $2.50. 
26 Edward T. Newell. Mithradates of Parthia 
and Hyspaosines of Characene. 1925. 18 = = 
pages. 2 plates. 50c. =| ae ai ef os Dae 


a 


27 Sydney P. Noe. The Mende (Kaliandra) ae ee 
Hoard. 1926. 36 pages. 4 plates. $l 50 fae 
28 Agnes Baldwin. Four Medallions from the nes 
Arras Hoard. 1926. 36 pages. 4plates. 
$1.50. 3 ne ae fe ee 


29 H. Alexander Parsons. The Earliest Coins ~ ast a oT 
of Norway. 1926. 41 pages. I plate. ey 
50c. ce YS eae 


{ 





